日本のロボット文化 Why is Japan's robot (and AI) culture so unique?

Original text in Chinese

Title: 为何日本的机器人（及AI）文化如此独特？

URL: https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s?__biz=MzkyMzUwNTkxNg==&mid=2247483682&idx=1&sn=3745354910e98957a4be2df7f0e79dd5&chksm=c1e544b1f692cda7803d70697aee496ae234e1b5f65306389bbdf6ba5f89a86a023164d668e6&token=666209133&lang=en_US#rd

When we delve into the captivating realm of Japan and its intricate relationship with robots, iconic characters like Astro Boy, Doraemon, and Neon Genesis Evangelion may instantly spring to mind. For well over a century, Japan has displayed a remarkable affinity for robots, a connection deeply rooted in its historical journey.

Japan's fascination with robots began during the Meiji Restoration period, where the nation eagerly sought to catch up with Western advancements and embarked on an exploration of the frontiers of robotics. This enthusiasm grew exponentially in the post-World War II era, particularly during the economic boom of the 1950s and 60s. Rather than relaxing its stringent immigration policies, the Japanese government actively promoted the use of industrial robots to address the temporary labor shortage on assembly lines.

Simultaneously, Osamu Tezuka's legendary creation, Astro Boy, laid the foundation for the cultural imagination of both the Japanese public and countless foreign audiences regarding robots. As the Showa era drew to a close, Japan's advanced robotics technology and burgeoning economic power led to its portrayal as the techno-orientalist subject - "other" in Western eyes, characterized as "technological but not quite human."

To this day, Japan's fervor for robots persists, with a close connection emerging between these mechanical marvels and the country's evolving demographics and caregiving requirements.

To shed light on the “uniqueness” of Japanese robot culture, let's embark on a journey through Yuji Sone's intriguing book, "Japanese Robot Culture: Performance, Imagination, and Modernity." Published in 2017 by Sone, a performance researcher at Macquarie University in Australia, this book explores the distinctive facets of Japanese robot culture by contrasting it with Western technological imaginaries. It delves into various aspects, including religious philosophy, economic policies, popular culture, and societal demographics.

The topics explored in this book remain relevant in our contemporary world, pondering questions such as whether robots should prioritize anthropomorphism or utility, the intricate relationship between otaku and virtual idols, and the ideal appearance of elderly care robots. In our fast-evolving digital age, understanding the humanistic perspective on the role of technology is of paramount importance. This article aims to discuss the core ideas within Sone's work, contemplating the possibilities technology presents and the essence of human identity in a society increasingly inundated with digital technology, including robotics and AI.

1. How are robots perceived in Japan and the West?

To elucidate the distinctive aspects of Japanese robot culture, Sone initiates a discussion on the globalization of technology, employing the concepts of 'branching' and 'layering' (p. 11). 'Branching' signifies the multidirectional dissemination of technology, akin to the sprawling branches of a tree, where discernible traces of Western values become evident in its design features. Conversely, in the 'layering' of technologies, specific cultural codes are retained. In essence, while robots bear the imprints of Western values, they remain profoundly influenced by Japanese local culture. In a broader context, Japanese and Western robot cultures diverge, with Japanese society displaying a more affirmative attitude towards robots. These divergences after localization, can be attributed to factors such as religious philosophy, political economy, and popular culture.

First, religious philosophy plays a pivotal role in shaping the social acceptance of robots. Advocates of animism argue that in Japan, akin to mountains, flowing water, and natural formations, robots are perceived as spiritual entities integrated with the natural world, much like humans themselves. Notably, Biologist Nishimura Makoto christened Japan's inaugural robot in 1928 as "Gakutensoku," meaning "learning the laws of nature." Drawing parallels between humans and the natural world, Nishimura referred to Gakutensoku as nature's grandchild. Conversely, in the West, robots are often viewed as resuscitated human entities, stemming from inert matter, devoid of human vitality but possessing the potential to challenge humanity. It is worth noting that an overemphasis on the influence of religious philosophies can lead to the pitfall of cultural essentialism, a concept akin to the Japanese notion of "Nihonjinron"(p. 13).

Additionally, the political and economic endorsement of robotics in Japan has facilitated the seamless advancement of robotic technology. Both the Japanese government and industry regarded robots as symbols, showcasing the nation's technological prowess. From the Osaka Expo in 1970 to the Tokyo Expo in 2007, Japan hosted numerous international science and technology exhibitions where robots took center stage. Visitors to the National Museum of Nature and Science in Tokyo in 2007 would likely have found themselves immersed in a robotics exhibition, greeted by a banner proclaiming "We (meaning the Japanese) love robots." In the presence of an extensive array of technological artifacts, one's sentiment is often steered toward a futuristic and patriotic disposition. These instances epitomize what anthropologist Alfred Gell termed the "technology of enchantment,"(p. 61) which aligns closely with the assessment of Japanese sociologist Toshiya Yoshimi, who described it as "fantasies through the exposition"(p. 63).

Further, popular culture has played an instrumental role in shaping socio-technical imaginaries. Japanese anime and manga, for instance, tend to portray robots in a positive light as friendly, affectionate, co-operating with humans, and even saving the planet. Notable examples include Astro Boy, an embodiment of justice and energy, and the ever-popular Doraemon, whose adventures in aiding schoolboy Nobita are widely recognized. Conversely, Western portrayals often cast robots as antagonists, occasionally as humanity's foes. Renowned instances include Gort in "The Day the Earth Stood Still" (1951) or Derek in the British TV series "Doctor Who." Religious scholar Robert Geraci suggests that Western science fiction reflects a dualistic perspective, presenting intelligent machines that offer humanity dual prospects of "slavery" and "happiness" (p. 47).

2. Should anthropomorphism or utility be pursued in robots?

In the eyes of many roboticists, the ideal approach to robot design entails closely approximating human form. Advocates assert that anthropomorphism contributes to a higher degree of "mobility," enabling robots to serve humans more effectively. Honda, for instance, embarked on research into humanoid robots in the mid-1980s, driven by the aspiration to create machines capable of navigating and interacting with the human environment harmoniously. Hence, the design principle emerged that robots should possess two legs, mirroring human physiology, as a means of enhancing their adaptability (p. 43). In addition, an anthropomorphic image can enhance the robot's "sinwakan" (affinity) and reduce the public's resistance to it. The closer a robot is to a human in appearance and body movements, the more popular it will be with the general public and even become a new favourite in the field of entertainment.

Nevertheless, not all technologists subscribe to the pursuit of anthropomorphic design. Projects developing anthropomorphic robots account for less than 10 per cent of the overall research field. Some argue that an excessive emphasis on anthropomorphism can overshadow the utility of the technology. A case in point is the 2011 Fukushima nuclear power plant incident, where Japanese robots designed for critical work were bypassed in favor of American rescue robots. This choice left many Japanese robot developers feeling humiliated, underscoring the potential drawbacks of an exclusive focus on anthropomorphism (p. 44).

3. What is the relationship between otaku and virtual idols?

Our previous discussion touched on the enthralling connection between Japanese otaku culture and virtual idols, with particular reference to Hatsune Miku. This phenomenon invites us to ponder the intimate association between humans, robots, and AI in this new era.

One possible explanation, offered by Sone, revolves around the evolving dynamics of gender and power in Japan. As women's socio-economic participation increases, some men may grapple with a sense of unease, anxiety, and frustration, prompting a quest for psychological equilibrium. Consequently, men may turn to feminized robots, with femininity often connoting cuteness and innocence in the Japanese context. Sone characterizes otaku's affection for female robots as a "dark energy" driven by a desire for control and gratification, both psychological and, in some instances, sexual.

Cultural anthropologist Ian Condry, however, offers an alternative perspective. In his book The Soul of Anime: Collaborative Creativity and Japan's Media Success Story, he delves into the interaction between otaku and avatars, known as "moe," highlighting its non-reciprocal nature. Otaku invest emotionally and financially in these avatars without expecting equivalent reciprocation.

It is clear that Sone intends to emphasise the subjective agency of the otaku, whereas Condrey focuses more on the exchange process of a 'gift economy'.

Moreover, it is imperative to consider the evolving intersection of gender and power. As women's socio-economic involvement in Japanese society continues to surge, it is plausible that the demand for male robots may increase. This shift could potentially engender a market for male robots, paralleling the male host clubs explored by Akiko Takeyama in "Stage Seduction." This progression would raise intriguing questions regarding the role of robots as personal hosts and purveyors of hope for otaku women.

4. What should an elderly care robot look like?

Sone points out that in Japanese society, the government, industry and technology researchers dominate robotics-related discourse, and their presentations and promotions tend to be positive. They argue that robots can help address the 'care deficit' of a highly ageing population, which fell by almost one million between 2010 and 2015, the first confirmed decline since the 1920s, and that by 2022, one in seven Japanese will be over 75 years old. A number of health and social science studies of elderly patients have shown that the use of care robots can help increase subjects' positive moods and improve their immune systems, while reducing stress and loneliness, although methods of measuring such effects have also been questioned (p. 193). In Sone's view, these positive leading discussions are often driven by commercial interests seeking to make robots the next generation of economic growth.

In Japan, many assistive robots in elderly care are designed in the shape of animals, such as the 'pet dogs' Paro and Aibo, as a way of bringing them closer to the user. As such, elderly care robots can also be seen as an alternative form of "animal therapy". In the opinion of robotics experts, although both robots and animals play the role of companions, the use of robots can avoid the emotional pain of death. As companies such as Sony have touted, "Robotic pets will always be there for you". In general pet therapy, the animal is the focus of the older person's attention. Robotic therapy, however, involves a three-pronged theatre structure: the care provider as facilitator, the robot as performer, and the patient as audience (p. 197). The elderly patient is "guided" by the caregiver to interact with the robot in a "gokko asobi"-like (children's) game. These interactions can help the patient recall childhood pets, which in turn can help him or her engage in dialogue with caregivers or other patients.

Sone brings attention to the ethical concerns associated with the use of caregiving robots. The urgency of addressing economic and social issues linked to a dwindling and aging population may inadvertently sideline the ethical dilemmas surrounding these robots in Japan. A number of Western researchers, represented by the American social psychologist Sherry Turkle, are critical of socially assistive robots in elderly care. A common concern is that these robots can be seen as a 'technological fix', a 'compensation' for the lack of caregivers. Behind the idea of "technological fixes" is the common assumption that older people are seen as "problems" or "objects of study". Within this framework, roboticists aim to address these "problems" with a goal to render the human cognitively aware but emotionally detached from the realization that they are interacting with a robot. The possible outcome is that elderly patients with cognitive decline experience reduced human contact and diminished control over their lives (p. 195).

5. Closing Remarks

In the realm of mainstream media discourse, Japan's evident affinity for robots extends to embrace emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence (AI). It is noteworthy that Japan's engagement with OpenAI's website ranks among the highest globally, trailing only the United States and India (Nomura Research Institute 2023). Considering the size of its population, it's safe to say that Japan's ChatGPT usage doesn't lose out to the top two. Impressively, Japanese visitors spend notably more time on the website, underscoring their strong interest in AI. The average time spent on the OpenAI website by Japanese is 8 minutes and 56 seconds, much higher than 6 minutes and 50 seconds in the US and 6 minutes and 27 seconds in India.

In addition, the Japanese attitude towards robots as friendly companions may also apply to AI, as one Japanese netizen discusses, "Japanese tend to see AI as a partner in solving problems together, while Westerners see AI as an assistant in solving problems." The netizen was under the impression that when giving instructions to ChatGPT, Japanese people tend to type "tell me this" while Westerners use the commanding tone "do this". The reason for this may lie in the euphemistic nature of the Japanese language itself, as well as in the Japanese recognition of the existence of an extra-human knowing.

While these inferences provide intriguing insights, they must be considered with the awareness that they lack empirical validation, serving primarily as points of reference. In conclusion, the Japanese fascination with robots offers valuable perspectives into the broader societal impact of technology and its evolving role in our lives. Anthropologists must continue to scrutinize the intricacies of human-robot interactions, cultural perceptions, and ethical dimensions, particularly in a rapidly advancing technological landscape.

谈到日本和机器人，你的脑海中会浮现什么？

铁臂阿童木？多啦A梦？新世纪福音战士？

百年以来，日本与机器人似乎有良好的亲缘性。

这个东瀛之国，自明治维新伊始，就渴求追赶西方、探索机器人的前沿技术。

在二战后经济高度增长时期（1950-60年代），日本政府并非放宽严格的移民政策，而是大力推广工业机器人的应用，以此解决流水线上劳动力一时短缺的问题。

同时期，手冢治虫的经典名作《铁臂阿童木》奠定了日本民众（及无数的外国观众）对机器人的文化想象的基础。

接近昭和年代尾声，日本凭借其先进的机器人技术及日益强大的经济实力成为了“技术东方主义”的主体——西方眼中“有技术没人性”的“他者”。

直至今日，围绕日本机器人的热度依然不减，因其已经与该国的人口动态与照顾需求紧密相连。

为了揭开日本机器人“独特之处”的神秘面纱，本次我将带大家一同领略《日本机器人文化：表演、想象力和现代性》一书(Japanese Robot Culture: Performance, Imagination, and Modernity)。该书出版于2017年，作者为澳洲麦考瑞大学表演艺术研究者（performance researcher）Yuji Sone。

Sone的这本书很有趣，书中通过宗教哲学、政治经济、流行文化、人口动态等角度多处对照日本与西方的技术想象，以此凸显日本机器人文化的独特性。其中涉及到的不少主题，更是与当代生活息息相关，比如“应当追求机器人的拟人程度还是实用程度”，“如何理解御宅族与虚拟偶像之间的关系”，“老年护理机器人应该是怎样的”。在数字技术日新月异的今日，人与技术、人与人的关系也不断迭代变换。因此，从人文的角度来审视技术的社会作用显得尤其重要。本文旨在讨论Sone书中的核心观点，从而与大家一同思考，数字技术无处不在（例如机器人与AI）的当代社会中，技术打开了（或关闭了）哪些可能性，人又何以为人。

1. 日本和西方如何看待机器人？

为了展示日本机器人文化的特殊之处，Sone首先从“分支”（branching）和“分层”（layering）的角度讨论了技术的全球化 （11页）。在他看来，前者指的是技术像树枝一样的多向传播，其中“[西方]价值观的痕迹清晰地出现在……[其]设计特征中”。 在技术的“分层”中，特定的文化代码则得以保留。简言之，机器人尽管带有西方价值观的烙印，其深层内涵还是受日本本土文化的影响。总体来说，日本与西方的机器人文化各不相同，日本社会对机器人的态度更为积极。这些在地化后的差异可以归结到宗教哲学、政治经济、流行文化等因素。

首先，宗教哲学上的认知差异会影响机器人的社会接受度。推崇泛灵论的学者认为，在日本，与高山、流水、碎石一样，机器人容易被视作有灵性的物体，与人类同属自然的一部分。生物学者西村真琴于1928年发明了日本首款机器人，并将其命名为“学天则”（意为“学习自然的法则”）。由于西村将人类比作“自然之子”，他呼唤“学天则”为自然的孙辈（nature’s grandchild）。在西方，机器人则往往被视作基于无声物质（dumb matter）的再造人类，不具有人类的生命力，却有挑战人类的潜在可能性。然而，Sone指出，过于强调宗教哲学的影响容易陷入文化本质主义（cultural essentialism），从而掉进“日本人论”的坑里（13页）。

其次，政治经济上的大力宣扬也促进了日本机器人发展的一马平川。日本政府和产业界将机器人视为展示民族科技实力的符号。从1970年大阪，到2007年东京，日本举办了多次国际性的科技展会，机器人则在其中大放异彩。若你来到2007年的东京国立自然科学博物馆，你会很可能踏入当时的机器人特展。你首先映入眼帘的，便是一句横幅 “我们（指日本人）热爱机器人”。面对琳琅满目的技术制品，你很可能被一种未来主义和爱国主义情绪所渲染。机器人技术及其制品生动诠释了人类学家阿尔弗雷德·盖尔（Alfred Gell）所说的“魔法技术”（technology of enchantment）（61页）。这种魔法的多重施加，便构成了日本社会学者吉見俊哉所描述的“万博幻想”（fantasies through the exposition）（63页）。

再者，流行文化产物塑造了各不相同的社会技术想象。日本动漫等倾向于将机器人描绘成友好、亲切、与人类合作、乃至拯救地球的积极形象。集正义与能量于一身的阿童木自不必说，多啦A梦帮助小学生大雄的故事更是家喻户晓。而在西方，尽管机器人有时也会扮演英雄的角色，但大多数时候被描绘成为人类的敌人，例如《地球停转之日》（1951 年）中的戈特或英国电视剧《神秘博士》中的戴立克。对于宗教学者罗伯特·杰拉奇（Robert Geraci）来说，西方科幻作品反映了世界末日的二元论观点——智能机器会给人类带来“奴役”和“幸福”的双重可能性（47页）。

2. 应当追求机器人的拟人程度还是实用程度？

在不少机器人专家眼中，机器人应当尽可能地在形态上接近人类。一方面，拟人化被认为可以赋予机器人更高的“能动性”，从而更好服务人类。本田在 20 世纪 80 年代中期开始进行人形机器人研究，其目标是“开发一种更可行的移动性，让机器人能够在物体之间移动和攀爬，上下台阶，帮助人类并与人类和谐共处”。因此，“它必须有两条腿，就像人一样” （43页）。另一方面，拟人的形象可以增强机器人的“亲和感”（sinwakan），降低大众对它的抵触程度。当一个机器人越在外观与肢体动作上接近于人类，它越能为大众喜闻乐见，甚至成为娱乐领域的新宠。

事实上，不是所有技术者都拥护拟人化机器人的研究。开发拟人机器人的项目占比不到整个研究领域的10%。一些开发者们认为，过度重视拟人化，会导致对技术实用性（utility）的忽视。2011年的福岛核电站泄露事故中，日本的RCW（the robots for critical work 关键工作机器人）没能派上用场，反而得依靠美国的救援机器人执行危险任务。为此，不少日本机器人研发者“感到非常羞辱”（44页）。

3. 如何理解御宅族与虚拟偶像之间的关系？

上期推送提到，日本宅男几年前与初音未来的故事。该现象也促使我们去反思新时代下人类（这种情况下是御宅族otaku）与机器人乃至AI之间的（亲密）关系。

对于该现象，Sone也许会给出这样的解释：随着日本女性的社会经济参与度逐步提高，男性慢慢失去了对女性的掌控权，不安、焦虑、挫败感随之而来。这时，想重获心理平衡的男性们，转向了女性化的机器人。在日本的语境下，女性化意味着可爱与天真（152页）。Sone将宅男们对女性机器人的喜爱描述成一种“暗黑能量”，意在以各种方式控制对方，以获得心理乃至性方面的满足和愉悦。

文化人类学家伊安·康德瑞（Ian Condry）有另外一种看法。他在《动画之魂: 创意合作的日本动画产业》一书中提到，御宅族与虚拟人物（キャラ）之间有一种称之为萌（moe）的互动，而这种关系是非互惠性的。御宅族单方面地在情感（及经济上进行）付出，但却不会获得来自对方的任何回报。

显然，Sone意在强调宅男们的主观能动性，而康德瑞则更关注类似“礼物经济”的交换过程。

我认为，应当更多地考虑性别与权力的关系演变。当日本女性的社会经济参与程度逐步提高，机器人会越来越女性化吗？在《初音未来：虚拟机器-女性》一章中，Sone默认了御宅族统一为男性，并没有涉及宅女们如何想象自己与虚拟人物之间的关系。或许宅女们的追捧，也会带动男性机器人的消费市场。也许到那时，《舞台诱惑：在东京男公关俱乐部贩卖梦想》的作者Akiko Takeyama会去探讨，机器人如何成为宅女们的私人男公关并兜售希望。

4. 老年护理机器人应该是怎样的？

Sone指出，在日本社会中，政府、产业界与技术研究者主导着机器人相关的话语，其介绍和推广往往趋向正面。他们认为，机器人可以帮助解决高度老龄化下“护理赤字”的问题。2010年至2015年间，日本人口减少了近100万，这是自1920年代以来首次得到证实的人口减少记录。2022年，每七位日本人中就有一位年龄超过 75 岁。一些针对老年病患的健康与社会科学研究表明，护理机器人的使用有助于增加被试者的积极情绪和改善免疫系统，同时减轻压力和孤独感，尽管衡量此类影响的方法也受到质疑（193页）。在Sone看来，这些积极正面的引导性讨论，往往为商业利益所驱动，力图使机器人成为下一代的经济增长点。

在日本，许多老年护理中的辅助机器人被设计成动物的形状，例如“宠物狗”Paro和Aibo，以此拉近与用户之间的距离。因此，老年护理机器人也可被视作另类的“宠物治疗”（animal therapy）。在机器人专家看来，尽管机器人与动物都扮演了陪伴的角色，但使用机器人可以避免死亡所带来的情感伤痛。正如索尼等公司所宣扬，“机器人宠物会一直伴你左右”。在一般的宠物治疗中，动物是老年人关注的焦点。而“机器人治疗”涉及一种三足鼎立的戏剧结构：护理机构职员作为主持人，机器人作为表演者，患者作为观众（197页）。在护理人员的“引导”下，老年患者与机器人进行类似“gokko asobi”（儿童游戏）的互动。这些互动可以帮助患者回忆起童年时期的宠物，从而帮助其与护理人员或其他患者开展对话。

值得注意的是，Sone呼吁我们聚焦于机器人照顾（Robots that ‘Care’）背后的伦理关切。由于迫切需要解决人口减少和老龄化带来的经济和社会问题，在日本，机器人使用的伦理问题可能会被最小化。以美国社会心理学家Sherry Turkle为代表，不少西方研究者们对老年护理中的辅助机器人（socially assistive robot）充满批判。他们的普遍担忧是，这些机器人可以被视为一种“技术修复”，是对护理人员数量不足的“补偿”。而“技术修复”观念的背后是一种普遍假想：老年人被视为“问题“或”研究对象”。机器人专家们想做的，就是解决这些“问题”，并使“人类认知上知道但情感上忘记了他或她正在与机器人交谈”（196页）。其后果可能是认知功能衰退的老年患者减少人际接触，并且对自己的生活失去控制（195页）。

5. 余感

在主流媒体话语中，日本人对于机器人有很强的亲缘性。这种亲缘性可以转接到其他新兴技术，比如人工智能（AI）。日本野村调查研究所发现，日本OpenAI网站的流量份额位居世界前列（6.6%），仅次于美国和印度。考虑到其人口规模，可以说日本ChatGPT的使用率不输前两位。日本人在OpenAI网站的平均停留时间为8分56秒，远高于美国的6分50秒和印度的6分27秒。这些“发现”被媒体用于彰显日本民众对AI的浓厚兴趣。

另外，日本人视机器人为友好同伴的态度或许也可适用于AI。有日本网友讨论道：“日本人倾向于将AI视为共同解决问题的伙伴，而西方人将AI视为解决问题的助手。” 该网友的印象中，在对ChatGPT发出指令时，日本人倾向于输入“告诉我这个”，而西方人则采用命令式的语气“做这个”。原因可能在于日语语言本身的委婉性，以及日本人对人类之外的知性存在的认可。

不过，这些推论都未经严谨的实证研究，仅供参考。

望阅读至此的诸君有所收获。

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